A Chinese foreign student meets his professor for the first time and compliments him, “You’re so fat!” Arriving in the US as a boy, a Cambodian had never lived in a house with a flush toilet, and it puzzled him. “Maybe it’s a washing machine?” A Somali family wonders why they’re asked for their birthdates, which are not important to them. All the family members write “January 1.”

I heard those stories when teaching immigrants how to navigate the convoluted US health care system. Figuring out how to live in a different culture is hard enough, not to mention how to get health care.

But that’s nothing compared to the complexities of US immigration laws. What if you need to drive in order to work, but it’s illegal to have a license? What if you’re a child born in the US returning to Mexico with your Mexican-born family and now need Mexican citizenship?

As their lawyer, Aaron Ortiz-Santos helped migrant families confront these perplexities, though they often couldn’t afford to pay him. We often commend altruists like him as do-gooders. But as he reminds us, helping others does as much good for the helper as the helped. It feeds our souls, whether we believe we have one or not!

Helping one person at a time, especially as the ropes of the immigration system tighten, is clearly not enough. It naturally leads to the path of advocacy and activism, to doing everything possible to change the rules. Ortiz-Santos took that path. He works to remove the frightening and complex obstacles that migrants face as they navigate the dangerous waters that just might lead to a new home.

Just knowing he’s on the right side of justice will be his reward.

Aarón Ortiz Santos, originally from Mexico City, has lived in Atlanta for over 20 years. An attorney and activist working with the Mexican migrant community, he serves as US Political Affairs Coordinator at the Council of Mexican Migrant Federations and Organizations (COLEFOM). He leads initiatives on migrant regularization and electoral reform to strengthen legalization and civic participation for Mexicans abroad. He promotes human rights, community empowerment and institutional collaboration between Mexico and the United States.

Yours is not the usual migrant story!

As a Mexico-trained lawyer, I originally worked for a US-based insurance company as a compliance officer to prevent money laundering, and they transferred me from Mexico to the Atlanta office. My work had nothing to do with migration, and I wasn’t politically active. When eventually my job ended, I remained in Atlanta.

After 9/11, this country’s attitudes toward the migrant community became much more negative. In 2006, a friend invited me to join him in organizing a march to protest the Border Protection, Anti-Terrorism and Illegal Immigration Control Act of 2005, or the Sensenbrenner Bill. Among other measures, it authorized building a double fence at the US-Mexico border and criminalized assisting an undocumented immigrant to remain in the US.

There were mass protests throughout the US in 2006 to oppose Bill H.R. 4437 (Sensenbresser Bill)

In that campaign, I met Teodoro Maus, the first person appointed, in 1994, as the Mexican consul in Atlanta. A true community leader, he founded the Georgia Latino Alliance for Human Rights. He became my mentor, and for the first time I met many Mexican and Central American migrants.

I realized their stories were not just about the “American dream,” but about the lack of human rights for both those with and without legal status, but especially for those without.

They opened my eyes and completely changed my life. From a corporate lawyer in a suit and tie, I became a defender of immigrants.

Migrant defender Teodoro Maus passed away in 2019 at the age of 84.

From corporate lawyer to immigration lawyer! What kinds of cases were there?

An immigration law office hired me because I was a native Spanish speaker, and a lot of the cases were with Mexicans. Most of the immigrants didn’t have money to pay us; some could make a small down payment with affordable monthly payments, but most cases were pro bono, made possible with grants from the American Civil Liberties Union and the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund.

Many cases involved driving without a license. Georgia is not New York or Chicago or Los Angeles, where you can manage without a car. Good public transportation doesn’t exist — and it’s illegal for an immigrant to get a license. I remember a woman student brought to the US as a child who was arrested and jailed. Luckily, Obama had just established the DACA program, and we got her legalized as a Dreamer.

If someone was arrested by ICE and put in jail, their family could post bond and have them released. I remember getting bond for one man. I often met with my client in the lobby of the office, and when I came to speak with him, his little son pointed to me and said, “Look, that’s the guy who brought you back!” I’m not religious, but when people say, “Bless you,” I do feel blessed! It was rewarding work.

But now, things have changed. Since migrants can’t get a driver’s license in Georgia, some people get one in another state. But Georgia no longer accepts those licenses, and driving without a Georgia license is considered a crime. Yes, a crime! And if you get arrested, you can no longer post immigration bond if you entered the US without papers. You must either “self-deport” or stay in jail while your immigration case is proceeding — and your chances of winning are not good. My clients aren’t criminals, and it breaks my heart that they sit in jail.

Last April 24, in the Senate of the Republic, the Declaration of the Transnational Forum on Migration Policy was signed, as a result of a collective process between COLEFOM, UNAM and representatives of the legislature.

What is the Council of Mexican Migrant Federations and Organizations, or COLEFOM? What is its mission?

In Mexico there used to be a federal Institute of Mexicans Abroad to enhance the lives of people in the Mexican diaspora; it had an advisory board of Mexicans living in the US and Canada. I was appointed for a term before 2006, but then President Calderón dismantled the advisory board.

In 2020, Efrain Jimenez decided to form a similar network and founded COLEFOM, with over 100 Mexican organizations mostly in the US. It has no paid staff — I work as a volunteer to give back to my community. But we can still accomplish a lot because many of the organizations do have paid staff.

It’s a very democratic coalition. Organizations of all political stripes are welcome. We don’t have a hierarchical structure. Instead of debate, we have dialogue. Decisions are made in assemblies by simple majority votes. Meetings are called as issues arise.

We have several committees. One fundraises for small Mexican communities that identify improvements they need — like a basketball court or better access to water. Our health committee is training people to be mental health providers because depression is common among migrants — they are often alone and living in fear.

I’m the coordinator of political affairs. We work to improve laws and programs that help migrants. For example, when kids born in the US moved to Mexico, Mexican officials required a special US document that authenticated their US birth certificates. The certificate enabled them to become Mexican citizens, which allowed them to access social welfare benefits. It was a cumbersome process and COLEFOM got rid of it.

Now, we’re working on USMCA reform. As COLEFOM’s representative at the December open hearing called by the US Trade Representative, I’ll present our proposal that people be allowed to move freely between the US, Canada and Mexico, similar to the mobility enjoyed by people in the countries of the European Union.

Of course, immigration reform is a big priority. Before, Republicans opposed reforms because the border wasn’t secure. Now it’s secure, so hopefully we can get a new immigration policy.

How do you propose to strengthen the voice and participation of migrants in both Mexico and the US?

Mexico will have electoral reform in 2026. We propose having ten congresspeople and five senators who live abroad. Now, the migrant community has five congresspeople and one senator — and we had to sue the electoral commission for affirmative action to get that! Because Mexicans living abroad can only vote for president, governors and senators, we propose that we vote for congresspeople as well.

In the US, Cubans have a much smaller population than Mexicans, but they have many more elected officials and occupy high positions, like Marco Rubio, Secretary of Foreign Affairs. We need to run for office!

Will our voters and candidates be progressive? That’s not clear; the Republican appeals to “family” and “religion” swayed many of our people.

We must figure out how to involve more young people in progressive politics in both Mexican and US elections, so we can pass the torch to the next generation. I’m grateful that I’ve been able to serve my people. And I’m not finished — we have a lot more work to do!

Meizhu Lui’s experiences as the daughter of Chinese immigrants and as a single mom led her to focus on addressing inequalities based on race, gender, and immigration status. A hospital kitchen worker, she was elected president of her AFSCME local. She coordinated the national Closing the Racial Wealth Gap Initiative, and co-authored The Color of Wealth: The Story Behind the U.S. Racial Wealth Divide. Liberation Road, a socialist organization, has been her political home.

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