A major part of the political canon of liberalism is the “sacrosanct” defense of the alternation of power. In other words, the fact that a person does not remain in power indefinitely is a sign of the vigor and health of a modern republican political system. According to this canon, the lack of alternation is usually a clear symptom of a totalitarian drift.

However, history shows us that historical judgments are just that: judgments, subject to circumstances and limited by potential political benefits. Alternation is therefore desirable when the leader is inconvenient, but not when he or she helps to sustain a given geopolitical order.

Thus, under this liberalism’s logic, the indefinite election of a figure such as Nicolás Maduro in Venezuela is seen as totalitarianism, while the continuous re-election of Angela Merkel in Germany is a sign of democratic strength. This argument goes beyond the supposed legitimacy of any particular election, since the alternation of power seems to be necessary always, or at least, as we have seen, almost always.

Indefinite reelection and other constitutional reforms

The policy of indefinite reelection in El Salvador seems to fit into this strange democratic paradox. In early August, the Salvadoran legislature approved a constitutional reform to allow indefinite reelection in the Central American country. This is thanks to an overwhelming majority of the ruling Nuevas Ideas party, with 57 votes in favor out of a possible 60. Now, as if that were not enough, the presidential term will now be extended from five to six years, in addition to eliminating the second round of elections.

Ana Figueroa, a ruling party representative, stated that the reform seeks to “give total power to the Salvadoran people”. She also said it was an act of justice, because if other elected officials can be re-elected indefinitely, why shouldn’t the president be able to do so as well? She added that this would lead to greater political and legal stability, as well as reducing costs by eliminating the need for a second round of elections.

It may seem like a neutral assessment, but it is not. Bukele enjoys enormous popularity in El Salvador. In the 2024 presidential elections, the Salvadoran president swept the polls with 84.65% of the valid votes, far ahead of Manuel Flores of the leftist Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) party, who garnered just 6.4%. In addition, Bukele has the support of Washington, to whom he has proven to be a loyal ally in its anti-immigration crusade, for example, when he imprisoned hundreds of Venezuelan deportees in his maximum-security prisons without a trial or final sentence.

Read more: Venezuelan migrants in Bukele’s CECOT were subjected to torture and abuse, prosecutor denounces

Criticism from the opposition

However, broad support does not mean absolute support. On the day of the constitutional reform, Marcela Villatoro, a representative of the right-wing Nationalist Republican Alliance (ARENA) party, held up a sign that read, “Today, democracy died”.

Claudia Ortiz, from the VAMOS party, said: “[The reforms only seek] to perpetuate a small group in power and continue to accumulate resources and power, leaving the people increasingly poorer. This story has been told many times in many countries around the world.”

The FMLN has gone further in its assertions, saying that the constitutional reform is a “legislative coup d’état”, as the reforms were passed without debate. The party’s secretary general, Manuel Flores, affirmed: “They have carried out a coup d’état from the Legislative Assembly, they have approved, with contempt and in violation of the law in force, indefinite re-election.” He also harshly criticized the accumulation of power and the destruction of the separation of powers that operates in El Salvador.

For this reason, the FMLN has decided to create a democratic coalition between several parties in order to: offer a clear alternative, organize peaceful demonstrations, train new leaders, strengthen ties with Salvadoran migrants, and denounce the internal situation in El Salvador at the international level.

The criticism seems to have had very little impact on Bukele, who stated on X: “90% of developed countries allow the indefinite reelection of their head of government, and no one bats an eye. But when a small, poor country like El Salvador tries to do the same, suddenly it’s the end of democracy.”

However, one of the most important reforms that increases the chance of future victories has less to do with indefinite re-election per se than with the elimination of the second round of voting. Bukele could lose significant support in the coming years if the economic situation continues to deteriorate, despite the official rhetoric. Therefore, Bukele may be relying on potential divisions within the opposition to secure a victory in the early presidential elections of 2027, thanks to a core base of support that is unlikely to lose faith in its leader in the coming years.

What else is behind indefinite reelection?

Peoples Dispatch spoke with Marisela Ramírez, a member of the Popular Resistance and Rebellion Bloc, about indefinite reelection and the other constitutional amendments. On the legality of the changes, Ramírez stated: “We in the opposition denounce that the reforms approved by the ruling party’s Assembly to guarantee indefinite reelection, extend the presidential term to six years, and eliminate the second round are an attempt to perpetuate Nayib Bukele and his business group in power. These amendments, imposed without popular consultation and through ‘de facto power’, violate the principle of democratic alternation (Art. 88 of the Constitution).”

Ramírez also said that these changes are part of a broader transformation: “These measures are in addition to previous illegal changes, such as the reduction of mayorships and provincial councils in 2024 to favor the ruling party, consolidating undemocratic control of the state.”

On this last point, that is, the growing concentration of power by the executive branch, Ramírez explained: “With all these illegal reforms, the regime is consolidating its power over the state and its ability to intimidate and persecute the opposition. However, the use of illegality and force also shows that the regime is losing its hegemony, that is, its ability to dominate through ideas. The ruling clan knows that the hopes for improvement it has sold to the people are unrealistic. The people perceive the daily deterioration, unemployment, rising prices, collapse of health/education, and increase in poverty and emigration, which contrast with the official narrative of ‘prosperity.’”

Finally, Ramírez stated that despite the ruling party’s strategy, the opposition will continue to work: “This situation pushes us to strengthen resistance in neighborhoods, colonies, and communities to defend basic rights, but also to concentrate democratic forces, unite revolutionary and progressive movements and victims of the regime to stop the neoliberal autocracy of the Bukele business clan.”

The post Why is El Salvador now allowing indefinite presidential re-election? appeared first on Peoples Dispatch.

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