This editorial by Mario Patrón originally appeared in the September 18, 2025 edition of La Jornada, Mexico’s premier left wing daily newspaper. Our editorial policy is here.
We are eight days away from commemorating another anniversary of the events that occurred on the night of September 26, 2014, in the outskirts of Iguala, Guerrero. Eleven years of unwavering dignity for the parents of the 43 missing students from the Raúl Isidro Burgos Rural Teachers’ College in Ayotzinapa, but 11 years also marked by the authorities’ inconsistency in their attempts to determine the whereabouts of the 43 and provide justice and truth to the victims’ families. The fact is that, 11 years later, the historical debt persists in a case that revealed the harsh reality of a deeply wounded Mexico, not only in the form of homicides committed within the framework of the so-called War on Drugs since the first decade of this century, but also in the ominous image of the disappearance of persons.
Ayotzinapa exposed the depth of Mexico’s structural violence in two ways: the forced disappearance of persons committed by authorities of any kind, especially the police and armed forces, but also the disappearance of persons at the hands of organized crime, which made it necessary to construct the legal distinction implied by the concept of disappearance of persons committed by private individuals. Initial efforts to locate the 43 brought to light the terrifying reality of a country riddled with clandestine graves containing the bodies and belongings of thousands of unidentified people.
Eleven years after those events, the brutality of the disappearance crisis—which, let us not forget, is a serious violation of human rights—has worsened in our country. More than 133,000 people remain missing today, and the incidence rate continues to rise, in contrast to the marginal reduction observed in homicides. Of the total number of missing and unaccounted for persons, more than 56,000 disappeared during the previous six-year term, and nearly 14,000 have disappeared during the current one. Added to these figures is the characterization of a national reality subjugated to organized crime, especially in numerous territories where criminal organizations exercise total control, either in open confrontation with state forces or by exploiting state structures and institutions.
Faced with this persistent and worsening reality, we can affirm that, unfortunately, Ayotzinapa did not mark a before and after, but rather, today is a particularly critical moment in a continuum marked by impunity as the greatest factor normalizing violence and the worst pathology of public life in our country. Evidence of this pattern of continuity is the different stages of the process marked by notable variations in the political will to address the case, along with serious omissions in the investigative efforts.
The first stage was marked by the so-called historical truth; the second, by its dismantling and the presence of international assistance. This collaboration of specialists from other countries made it possible to demonstrate the involvement of various public institutions from the municipal to the federal level in the commission of these acts, providing evidence that confirmed the presence of deep macro-criminal networks in that area of the country, but also clearly throughout our territory.
The third stage was characterized by the establishment of an institutional framework that, in theory, would enable truth and justice through actions such as the creation of a special prosecutor’s office, a truth commission, and the return of international assistance.
Finally, it is possible to identify a fourth stage, which we can call the “lost opportunity,” given that it is characterized by the López Obrador administration’s unwillingness to reveal the depth of the macrocriminal ties. The government, which championed the “we are not the same”1 narrative, not only failed to expose the truth of what happened, but also contributed to deepening the veil of concealment surrounding a possible involvement of the Armed Forces in the events.
Today, 11 years after the tragedy and one year into President Claudia Sheinbaum’s administration, parents are still playing for the same thing they were on the first day: an unwavering dignity that, with the passage of time, continues to demand truth, justice, and non-repetition. Meanwhile, President Sheinbaum is playing for the extent of the willingness of the State she represents to collaborate in the investigation of the case, especially in relation to the allegations that the Armed Forces were a likely key player in the disappearance of the students, especially given the confirmation that several of its high-ranking officials were aware of the events at all times and even infiltrated the teacher training college.
The coming months will be crucial in defining the direction of the case’s care. The actions of the current government will define not only its relationship with the students’ parents, but also with families searching for their children across the country, who continue their struggle with enormous dignity, a stark contrast to the State’s inaction.
Meanwhile, Ayotzinapa remains an open wound that highlights the intolerable, ongoing tragedy of the disappearance of people in our country, not as a chain of isolated acts, but as a serious structural factor in the lives of all Mexicans. This is reiterated in recent cases, such as that of the Izaguirre ranch in Teuchitlán, the young people of Lagos de Moreno, or the missing and recovered in Amozoc. Eleven years after the disappearance of 43 student teachers, the murder of six people, and the injuries of more than 40, from this space we continue to join our voices with those of hundreds of thousands of families searching and demanding truth and justice.
“No somos iguales”: “We are not the same,” a slogan used by Morena to compare them to the neoliberal PRI and PAN governments of the past. 
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