I got a new car in 2014, the same year Morena became a political party in Mexico. It was exciting — for the first time in my life, I got a brand-new vehicle, not “previously owned,” no scratches, no noises, no problems.
Fast forward. OK, some things were my own fault. My old stick shift habits got me in trouble. The new car didn’t automatically stall out if I got out of the car while it was still in gear — so it propelled itself into a ditch. But other things were not in my control. Acts of nature, like mice eating all the wiring. And some problems were tech failures, like a faulty AC system that crashed as soon as the warranty expired.
Morena is a party of a brand-new design, one that has aimed to be democratic, ethical and serve the neediest. Are there design flaws? Sure, such as allowing anyone and everyone to join and even run for office under the Morena banner. That banner has become so popular that opportunists from the old PRI and PAN have grabbed onto it with no intention of adopting Morena politics.
Are some problems beyond Morena’s control? Yes. As always, the US wants a servant, not a neighbor. It threatens not only to undercut Mexico’s economy with tariffs, it also publicly threatens invasion if Mexico doesn’t magically end drug trafficking.
Problems are inevitable over time. I won’t junk my still overall wonderful 11-year-old car; I’ll keep fixing it. And in Morena, a younger generation of activists, like our interviewee Alejandro Torres, have the technical skills, vision, creativity and fix-it spirit to not only keep the buggy running but to also make it a truly revolutionary vehicle.
Preparing a Next Generation for Leadership
Alejandro Torres became active when he was 15! He’s worked to defend public education and to gain justice for the disappeared Ayotzinapa students. In college at UNAM, he majored in International Affairs, and since then has connected with political and social movements throughout Latin America. He’s laser focused on turning Mexico’s disaffected youth into Morena activists.
Is the mood of young people different today than when you started as an activist ten years ago?
I got political when I was shocked and outraged by the disappearance of the 43 students at the Ayotzinapa NormalSchool in 2014; my generation came of age under the repressive government of the PRI.
But today is a quite different moment. For young people, the Morena government is now the establishment. If they experience any problems, they blame this government. Many listen to social media that tell them the problem isn’t capitalism, it isn’t neoliberalism — it’s Morena!
Cynicism affects youth today, and many are infected by individualism. Some are convinced that the US system isprogressive — their goal in life is to get rich.
Are you still a leader in Morena’s Youth Section? What does it do?
Yes. I’m in my 20s and still qualify as a “youth”! Because this generation is far from understanding our political history, it’s important to have a secure space for their participation.
In workshops, we start by discussing the accomplishments of the Morena government that they might not be aware of. For example, data shows that Mexico achieved a historic decline in the poverty rate under AMLO’s leadership. But we also acknowledge persistent social problems — too much violence, too many femicides, too great a concentration of wealth at the top and too many environmental disasters.
We also explain that not all the solutions must come from the President or the government. The political protagonist is the people — not individual people, but organized people. We aim to guide them toward contributing to Mexico’s transformation.
Culture, which reflects ideology, plays a huge role in young people’s lives, so it’s an area where Morena can intervene. The government’s Culture Department started a competition this year called Mexico Sings for Peace and Against Addictions. It’s similar to the popular US program The Voice, where young musicians compete for the opportunity to become professionals. But in Mexico Canta, they are also judged on how their performance reflects Mexico. The program uses music to counter drugs and violence. It’s an example of preventing social problemswith a “hugs, not bullets” approach, to quote AMLO.
Due to Morena’s popularity, some corrupt former leaders from the conservative PRI and PAN have jumped parties like grasshoppers — chapulines. They give Morena a bad name. Can this be stopped?
Morena needs to keep a delicate balance between principles and pragmatism. In the 2024 election, the party needed to win an overwhelming number of Congressional seats because it requires a Congressional supermajority to pass Constitutional reforms. Those reforms would make AMLO’s social benefit programs permanent and replace the hated judicial system. Some of the chapulines provided needed votes for the reform.
But now, some of them are taking bad positions — like Monreal opposing the 40-hour workweek — and are known to be corrupt. This causes some people — especially youth — to feel that Morena is no different from past parties. Morena must not turn into just a “brand.” Its strength must be its social movements, women leaders and the ethics and commitment of its membership.
Before Morena’s party congress in June, President Sheinbaum stepped in with a message that the party must get back to its social justice principles. She said that we cannot tolerate the message that Morena is the same as the parties of the past. Our principles must apply not just to public life but to private life, and unethical behaviors must be sanctioned. She has made good on that promise by investigating and arresting corrupt leaders, even if they are in Morena. No more impunity!
Morena’s party congress responded by creating a campaign to organize Committees in Defense of the 4th Transformation.” The goal is to consolidate the Morena party-movement at the state and local levels in every one of the thousands of electoral districts. Morena already governs many cities, and the mayors must make local policies congruent with national ones. At every level, we must run better candidates than the chapulines.
We are not only battling for votes but also to win the ideological battle. Our aim is to revolutionize consciousness and to build the capacity of committee participants to lead community struggles. The people must learn to rely on themselves and each other and to take matters into their own hands.
For example, youth are concerned about our land and water; foreign companies control many of our natural resources. It’s a question of human rights versus the interests of capital and the structures of neoliberalism. Just as nationally our presidents have regained sovereignty over the energy sector, locally communities must fight for community control of their own natural resources. When they lead in their own communities, their experience willmake them good candidates for government office.
Have you thought about running for office yourself?
Right now, I’m working in government; I’m involved in considering how archeology and modern industry must coexist.
But I spend all my time organizing young people! I want to find more ways to communicate with them, to both listen and teach. What’s more important than developing a new generation of activists who can carry on the 4th transformation? Claudia Sheinbaum is building the second floor. Who will build the third floor?
You’ve said that you want to internationalize the fight for transformation. What lessons can you share with US activists?
We can start by sharing information and then developing plans based on our common interests. The solution is not single leaders. Some say, “There will never be another AMLO.” But I say we need many AMLOs, many leaders who can follow his example. As a leader in the Youth Section, I want the next generation in both our countries to be the generation of hope.
Meizhu Lui’s experiences as the daughter of Chinese immigrants and as a single mom led her to focus on addressing inequalities based on race, gender, and immigration status. A hospital kitchen worker, she was elected president of her AFSCME local. She coordinated the national Closing the Racial Wealth Gap Initiative, and co-authored The Color of Wealth: The Story Behind the U.S. Racial Wealth Divide. Liberation Road, a socialist organization, has been her political home.
Analysis | Historical | Uncategorized
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